Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America

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From the description of ACWA's Sidney Hillman Foundation Records. 1955-1974. (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 520925303

From the description of ACTWU's National Textile Recruitment and Training Program Records. 1975-1981. (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 520924922

Sidney Hillman, labor organizer, leader, and president, Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America.

Sidney Hillman was born in Russian-controlled Lithuania in 1887. He studied to be a rabbi until the age of 15. While working in a chemical laboratory in Kovno, Russia, he was arrested for labor agitation and jailed for eight months. Upon release, he fled to England, and in 1907 emigrated to the United States. He settled in Chicago, where he found work as a garment cutter.

Hillman became a member of the United Garment Workers and was actively involved in labor activities. He participated in the strike against Hart, Schaffner & Marx in Chicago in 1910, eventually becoming the strike's leader. He moved to New York City and became chief clerk of the New York Cloakmakers' Union in 1914. That same year, disenchantment with the leadership of the United Garment Workers (UGW) led to the formation of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union (ACWA). With the support of Bessie Abramowitz, his future wife and a leader of the breakaway UGW faction, Hillman became the new union's president.

Under Hillman's leadership, the ACWA experienced rapid growth, due to an aggressive organizing campaign in the U.S. and Canada. By the end of the 1920s, the ACWA had 100,000 members and contracts with most of the major clothing manufacturers. But the stock market crash in 1929 and the ensuing depression decimated the union. By the early 1930s, membership had dropped by 75% as unemployment soared.

The election of Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1932 ushered in a new era for Hillman and the ACWA. Roosevelt's New Deal policies, along with Hillman's leadership, helped union membership to grow to 150,000 by the end of the 1930s. During the Rossevelt administration, Hillman became an important advisor on labor and economic issues and a figure of national significance. He served on the Labor Advisory Board of the NRA, and later was named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which helped to mobilize the economy for the war effort. He was also a member of the National Defense Advisory Committee and the War Production Board. Hillman played an important role in the formation of the CIO, serving as its first vice-president and chairman of its Textile Workers Organizing Committee. He died of a heart attack in July 1946.

From the description of Sidney Hillman correspondence, 1911-1929, 1914-1929 (bulk). (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 64755356

Sidney Hillman, labor organizer, leader, and president, Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America.

Sidney Hillman was born in Russian-controlled Lithuania in 1887. As a youth, he was arrested for labor agitation and jailed for eight months. Upon release, he fled to England, and in 1907 emigrated to the United States. He settled in Chicago, where he found work as a garment cutter.

Hillman became a member of the United Garment Workers and was actively involved in labor activities. He participated in the strike against Hart, Schaffner & Marx in Chicago in 1910, eventually becoming the strike's leader. He moved to New York City and became chief clerk of the New York Cloakmakers' Union in 1914. That same year, disenchantment with the leadership of the United Garment Workers (UGW) led to the formation of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union (ACWA). With the support of Bessie Abramowitz - his future wife and a leader of the breakaway UGW faction - Hillman became the new union's president.

Under Hillman's leadership, the ACWA experienced rapid growth, due to an aggressive organizing campaign in the U.S. and Canada. By the end of the 1920s, the ACWA had 100,000 members and contracts with most of the major clothing manufacturers. But the stock market crash in 1929 and the ensuing depression decimated the union. By the early 1930s, membership had dropped by 75% as unemployment soared.

The election of Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1932 ushered in a new era for Hillman and the ACWA. Roosevelt's New Deal policies, along with Hillman's leadership, helped union membership to grow to 150,000 by the end of the 1930s. During the Rossevelt administration, Hillman became an important advisor on labor and economic issues and a figure of national significance. He served on the Labor Advisory Board of the NRA, and later was named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which helped to mobilize the economy for the war effort. He was also a member of the National Defense Advisory Committee and the War Production Board. Hillman played an important role in the formation of the CIO, serving as its first vice-president and chairman of its Textile Workers Organizing Committee. He died of a heart attack in July 1946.

From the description of Sidney Hillman papers, 1930-1946, 1935-1945 (bulk). (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 64755354

Sidney Hillman was president of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America (ACWA), co-founder of the Congress of Industrial Organizations, and founder of organized labor's political action committee in the 1940s. During the presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Hillman worked in the National Industrial Recovery Administration, the National Defense Advisory Commission, and the War Production Board.

Bessie Abramowitz Hillman founded the ACWA with her husband, Sidney. She was a leader in the 1911 Hart, Schaffner, and Marx walkout.

From the description of Records of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, 1910-1970 (inclusive), [microform]. (Unknown). WorldCat record id: 145079359

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America (ACWA), the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers.

Under the leadership of Sidney Hillman, the ACWU grew rapidly. By the late 1920s the union had organized over 100,000 members across the United States and Canada. The depression severely thinned its ranks, but by the mid-1930s, the union had regained sufficient organizational strength to become a leading player in the creation of the CIO.

Sidney Hillman became an influential figure in political circles and a key advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. During World War II, Hillman was named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort.

Hillman's death in 1946 was a significant blow to the union. Though the union continued to grow under his successor, Jacob Potofsky, its influence in national political and labor affairs was diminished. In 1976, the union merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. In 1995 the ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union to form the Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE).

From the description of Papers of executive officers of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, 1914-1971, 1930-1950 (bulk). (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 63893782

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in Chicago in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers.

Under the leadership of Sidney Hillman, the ACWU grew rapidly. By the late 1920s the union had organized over 100,000 members in the major garment industry cities across the United States and Canada. The depression severely thinned its ranks, but by the mid-1930s, the union had regained sufficient organizational strength to become a leading player in the creation of the CIO.

Sidney Hillman became an influential figure in political circles and a key advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues, serving on the board of the National Recovery Administration. During World War II, Hillman was named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort.

Hillman's death in 1946 was a significant blow to the ACWU. Though the union continued to grow under his successor, Jacob Potofsky, its influence in national political and labor affairs was diminished. In 1976, the union merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union; In 1995 the ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union to form the Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE).

From the description of Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America joint boards and local union records, 1914-1970, 1914-1950 (bulk). (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 63891262

Jacob Potofsky, garment worker, labor organizer and leader, Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America.

Jacob Potofsky was born in Radomisl, Ukraine, in 1894. He emigrated to the United States in 1905 and began working in a Chicago men's clothing factory in 1908. He became active in labor matters and took part in the 1910 strike against Hart, Schaffner and Marx that led to the organization of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America (ACWA). He served as an official in ACWA Local 144 and on the Chicago Joint Board before moving to New York to work as assistant general secretary-treasurer for the national union.

Potofsky held a number of positions within the ACWA, including assistant president and general secretary-treasurer. He became the union's president in 1946 after the death of Sidney Hillman and served in that position until his retirement in 1972.

From the description of Jacob Potofsky correspondence, 1930-1946, 1930-1940 (bulk). (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 63892755

August Bellanca, garment worker, general organizer, and vice-president, Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America (ACWA).

Bellanca was one of the ACWA's founding members and longest-serving executives. In the union's early days, he was the official principally responsible for organizing Italian garment workers, particularly in New York State. In later years he became one of the union's vice-presidents.

From the description of August Bellanca correspondence, 1914-1953, 1925-1950 (bulk). (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 63893220

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in Chicago in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers.

Under the leadership of Sidney Hillman, the ACWU grew rapidly. By the late 1920s the union had organized over 100,000 members in the major garment industry cities across the United States and Canada. The depression severely thinned its ranks, but by the mid-1930s, the union had regained sufficient organizational strength to become a leading player in the creation of the CIO.

Sidney Hillman became an influential figure in political circles and a key advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues, serving on the board of the National Recovery Administration. During World War II, Hillman was named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort.

Hillman's death in 1946 was a significant blow to the ACWU. Though the union continued to grow under his successor, Jacob Potofsky, its influence in national political and labor affairs was diminished. In 1976, the union merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union; In 1995 the ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union to form the Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE).

From the description of Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America records, 1914-1980, 1920-1950 (bulk). (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 64091559

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Subject Records, 1925-1995, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Cotton Garment Control Department Records, 1955-1978, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACWA's Jacob Potofsky Records from the President's Office, 1941-1977, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACWA's Sidney Hillman Scrapbooks, 1910-1964, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Conventions Records, 1972-1987, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Murray Finley Records from the President's Office, 1970-1987, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Locals Records, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Microfiche Collection of Jacob Sheinkman's Speeches, 1949-1992, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Executive Vice-President's Office Records, 1927-1996, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Secretary-Treasurer's Office Records, 1928-1997, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Collective Bargaining Agreements, 1917-1996, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in Chicago in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers.

Under the leadership of Sidney Hillman, the ACWA grew rapidly. By the late 1920s the union had organized over 100,000 members in the major garment industry cities across the United States and Canada. The depression severely thinned its ranks, but by the mid-1930s, the union had regained sufficient organizational strength to become a leading player in the creation of the CIO.

Sidney Hillman became an influential figure in political circles and a key advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues, serving on the board of the National Recovery Administration. During World War II, Hillman was named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort.

Hillman's death in 1946 was a significant blow to the ACWA. Though the union continued to grow under his successor, Jacob Potofsky, its influence in national political and labor affairs was diminished. In 1976, the union merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union; In 1995 the ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union to form the Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE).

From the guide to the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America records, 1914-1980, 1920-1950 (bulk), (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Cotton Garment Control Department Memorabilia, 1955-1974, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Research Department's Industrial Union Department Company Records, 1956-1989, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Out-of-Business Contracts, 1937-2000, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

Archival Resources
Role Title Holding Repository
creatorOf ACTWU's Secretary-Treasurer's Office Records, 1928-1997 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
creatorOf ACTWU's Cotton Garment Control Department Memorabilia, 1955-1974 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn ILGWU. Local 22. Charles S. Zimmerman photographs, 1930-1959 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Scrapbooks on labor unions in the United States, 1948-1952. University of Pennsylvania Libraries, Van Pelt Library
referencedIn Sayles, Leonard R. Papers, 1950-1962. Columbia University in the City of New York, Columbia University Libraries
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Rochester Joint Board minutes, 1919-1966 [bulk 1919-1932]. Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Communication/Public Relations Department Records. 1951-1985. Cornell University Library
creatorOf ACTWU's Microfiche Collection of Jacob Sheinkman's Speeches, 1949-1992 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
creatorOf ACWA's Sidney Hillman Scrapbooks, 1910-1964 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Selected union contracts, 1891-1942. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Guide to the Solon De Leon Papers, 1900-1980 Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives
referencedIn Maietta, Julia L. (Julia Luigia), 1909-1994. Julia L. Maietta papers, 1937-1981 (bulk 1964-1980) Pennsylvania State University Libraries
referencedIn Congress of Industrial Organizations (U.S.). North Carolina Political Action Committee. Papers, 1944-1954. Duke University Libraries, Duke University Library; Perkins Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America joint boards and local union records, 1914-1970, 1914-1950 (bulk). Cornell University Library
referencedIn Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations (University of Michigan--Wayne State University). Program on Women and Work. Transcripts of oral history project, 1970-1978 (inclusive). Arthur and Elizabeth Schlesinger Library on the History of Women in America‏
referencedIn Starr, Ellen Gates. Papers 1659-1975 bulk 1850-1970. Smith College, Neilson Library
referencedIn ACWA's Local 284 Records, 1947-1959 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
creatorOf ACTWU's Executive Vice-President's Office Records, 1927-1996 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
creatorOf ACTWU's Murray Finley Records from the President's Office, 1970-1987 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Correspondence with Theodore Dreiser, 1921. University of Pennsylvania Libraries, Van Pelt Library
referencedIn ACTWU's Engineering Department Records, 1947-2000 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
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referencedIn Valenti, Girolamo, 1892-1958. Papers, 1904-1960. University of Minnesota, Minneapolis
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Legislative and Political Dept. ACTWU's Legislative and Political Department Records. 1947-1993. Cornell University Library
referencedIn ACTWU's Office of Corporate and Financial Affairs Records, 1976-1995 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
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referencedIn Archives Union File, 1892-2004. New York State Historical Documents Inventory
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Engineering Department Records, 1947-2000. Cornell University Library
creatorOf ACTWU's Conventions Records, 1972-1987 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
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referencedIn ACTWU's Research Department Company Records, 1937-1995 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Aliotto, Marie. Garment workers. California State University, Long Beach
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creatorOf Dorothy Jacobs Bellanca papers Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
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referencedIn Jacob Billikopf. Arbitration awards, 1925-1927. Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
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referencedIn Ellen Gates Starr Papers MS 151., 1659 - 1975, 1850-1970 Sophia Smith Collection
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referencedIn Maietta, Julia, 1909-. Oral history interview with Julia Maietta, 1976. Wayne State University. Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs
creatorOf ACWA's Jacob Potofsky Records from the President's Office, 1941-1977 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn ACTWU's Operations Department's Records on the Sidney Hillman Awards, 1947-1999 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Local 284. ACWA Local 284 Photographs. Cornell University Library
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creatorOf Brewer, Velma, 1907-. Oral history interview with Velma Brewer in Muscatine, Iowa, 1982 April 07 [microform] / conducted by Merle O. Davis. Iowa State Historical Society
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referencedIn ACTWU's Legislative and Political Department Records, 1947-1993 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Newman, Pauline,. Oral history interview with Pauline Newman, 1976. Wayne State University. Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs
referencedIn Terrill, Tom E. Tom E. Terrill research files, 1880-198u. University of South Carolina, System Library Service, University Libraries
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referencedIn ACTWU's Research Department Records, 1914-1995 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
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creatorOf ACTWU's Subject Records, 1925-1995 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. ACWA's Rochester Joint Board Records, 1922-1976. Cornell University Library
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referencedIn George and Latane Lambert Papers AR127., 1935-1974 Special Collections, The University of Texas at Arlington Library
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creatorOf Fabianski, Alexander. Tailor shop payroll book, 1935-1936. Buffalo History Museum, Research Library
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referencedIn ACTWU's Social Services Department Records, 1960-1995 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
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creatorOf Chicago Federation of Labor and Industrial Union Council. Chicago Federation of Labor records, ca. 1890-1983. Chicago History Museum
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referencedIn Harry Weinberger papers, 1915-1944 Yale University Library
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creatorOf ACTWU's Research Department's Industrial Union Department Company Records, 1956-1989 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Communications and Public Relations Department. ACTWU's Communication/Public Relations Department Photographs. Cornell University Library
creatorOf ACTWU's Cotton Garment Control Department Records, 1955-1978 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Hart, Schaffner and Marx Labor Agreement. Records, 1919-1920 Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago Library,
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creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Sidney Hillman papers, 1930-1946 (bulk 1935-1945) Cornell University Library
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referencedIn ACWA's Union Label Department Records, 1931-1975 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
creatorOf Paul, Florence, 1915-. Oral history interview with Florence Paul in Muscatine, Iowa, 1982 April 05 [microform] / conducted by Merle O. Davis. Iowa State Historical Society
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referencedIn Clothing worker union charter certificates from Oregon and Washington [manuscript], 1888-1969. Oregon Historical Society Research Library
referencedIn ACWA's Buttonhole Makers Local 50 Tribute to President Kennedy, 1963 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Peterson, Esther, 1906-1997,. Oral history interview with Esther Peterson, 1977. Wayne State University. Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs
referencedIn ACTWU's Communications and Public Relations Departments Records, 1951-1985 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Papers of executive officers of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, 1914-1971, 1930-1950 (bulk). Cornell University Library
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referencedIn ACTWU's Organizing Department Records, 1960-1995 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Guide to Sam Reiss 1975 Retrospective Exhibit, 1948-1975 Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. August Bellanca correspondence, 1914-1953, 1925-1950 (bulk). Cornell University Library
referencedIn Bussel, Robert, 1951-. Robert Bussel labor broadcast records collection, circa 1949. Pennsylvania State University Libraries
referencedIn ACWA's Sidney Hillman Foundation Records, 1955-1974 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn The Nation, records, 1879-1974 (inclusive), 1920-1955 (bulk). Houghton Library
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees. UNITE. International Relations Department. Publications. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Capraro, Anthony, 1891-1975. Papers, 1896-1975. University of Minnesota Libraries. Immigration History Research Center [ihrc]
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creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. ACTWU's Rieve-Pollock Foundation Records, 1960-1996. Cornell University Library
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referencedIn Daniel, Franz E., 1904-1976. Franz E. Daniel papers, 1890-1976, (bulk 1936-1948, 1963-1976). Wayne State University. Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs
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referencedIn Records of the Hart, Schaffner and Marx labor agreement during James H. Tufts' chairmanship of the Chicago Arbitration Board, 1919-1920. University of Chicago Library
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACWA's Sidney Hillman Scrapbooks. 1910-1964. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. General Exectutive Board. ACTWU's General Executive Board (GEB) Records. 1916-1988. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Urdaneta, Regina, 1920-. Oral history interview with Regina Urdaneta, 1978. Wayne State University. Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs
referencedIn Gertrude W. Klein Papers, Bulk, 1940-1949, circa 1910-1989 Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives
referencedIn Records, 1929-1932. New York State Historical Documents Inventory
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Jacob Sheinkman Records from the Sectretary-Treasurer's and President's Offices. 1970-1996. Cornell University Library
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creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. ACTWU's Local 169 Records. 1923-2003. Cornell University Library
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referencedIn Artoni, Gioacchino, 1866-1937. Papers, 1915-1942. University of Minnesota, Minneapolis
referencedIn Lambert, George, 1913-1974. George and Latane Lambert papers, 1935-1974. University of Texas at Arlington, Central Library
referencedIn International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union. Secretary-Treasurer. Joseph Schlossberg Secretary-Treasurer correspondence, 1914-1929, 1915-1925 (bulk). Cornell University Library
referencedIn Hillman, Bessie. ACWA's Bessie Hillman Papers. 1922-1996. Cornell University Library
creatorOf ACTWU's Out-of-Business Contracts, 1937-2000 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn ACTWU's Department of Occupational Safety and Health Records, 1934-2001 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union. ILGWU. Research Department records, 1945-1995. Cornell University Library
creatorOf ACTWU's Collective Bargaining Agreements, 1917-1996 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. ACWA's Jacob Potofsky Records from the President's Office. 1941-1977. Cornell University Library
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referencedIn ACTWU's Vice-President's Office Records, 1960-1979 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Abraham I. Shiplacoff Papers and Photographs, Bulk, 1915-1934, 1895-1962 Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives
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referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Operations Department's Records on the Sidney Hillman Awards. 1947-1999. Cornell University Library
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referencedIn Draper, Anne, 1917-1973. Anne Draper papers, 1938-1973. Stanford University. Department of Special Collections and University Archives
creatorOf ACTWU's Locals Records Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn ILGWU. Research Department records, 1945-1995 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Subject Records, 1925-1995. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Hardman, J. B. S. (Jacob Benjamin Salutsky), 1882-1968. Papers, 1908-1970. Churchill County Museum
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union Printed Ephemera Collection, 1910-2000 Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU. New England Regional Joint Board. Records. Cornell University Library
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referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union (ACTWU). Arthur Loevy. Secretary-Treasurer. Files, 1991-1997 Cornell University Library
referencedIn Inter-University Labor Education Committee. Series 3, Subseries 3. Files of the Syracuse, N.Y. project, 1952-1954. Cornell University Library
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referencedIn Records of the Hart, Schaffner and Marx labor agreement during James H. Tufts's chairmanship of the Chicago Arbitration Board, 1919-1920. University of Chicago Library
referencedIn ACTWU's Education Department Files, 1948-1983 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
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Role Title Holding Repository
Relation Name
associatedWith Abt, John J. person
associatedWith Addams, Jane, 1860-1935 person
associatedWith Addes, George F., 1910- person
associatedWith AFL-CIO corporateBody
associatedWith AFL-CIO. person
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Amalgamated Social Services corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Communications and Public Relations Department. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Communications Department. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers' Union. Department of Occupational Safety and Health corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Dept. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers' Union, Education Department corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Engineering Department. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. General Exectutive Board. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Industrial Department corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers' Union. Legal Department. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Legal Dept. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers' Union. Legislative and Political Department. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Legislative and Political Dept. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers' Union. Local 169 (New York, N.Y.) corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Office of Corporate and Financial Affairs corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers' Union. Operations Department corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers' Union. Organizing Department. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers' Union. Research Department corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers' Union. Rieve-Pollock Foundation corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers' Union. Vice-President's Office corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Amalgamated Social Services corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Department of Occupational Safety and Health corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, Education Department corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Engineering Department. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. General Secretary-Treasurer. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Glove Cities Area Joint Board. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Legal Department. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Local 118 (Curwensville and Clearfield, Pa.) corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Local 125 corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Local 169 (New York, N.Y.) corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Local 50 (New York, N.Y.) corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Operations Department corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Organizing Department. corporateBody
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associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Public Relations Department. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Research Department corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Research Dept. corporateBody
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associatedWith United States. Dept. of Labor. corporateBody
associatedWith United States. Dept. of Labor. corporateBody
associatedWith United States. National Defense Advisory Commission. corporateBody
associatedWith United States. National Labor Relations Board. corporateBody
associatedWith United States. National Recovery Administration. corporateBody
associatedWith United States. National War Labor Board (1918-1919) corporateBody
associatedWith United States. Navy corporateBody
associatedWith United States. Occupational Safety and Health corporateBody
associatedWith United States Pipe and Foundry Company corporateBody
associatedWith United States. War Dept. corporateBody
associatedWith United States. War Production Board. corporateBody
associatedWith United States. Women's Bureau. corporateBody
associatedWith United States. Works Progress Administration. corporateBody
associatedWith United Textile Workers of America. corporateBody
associatedWith UNITE HERE (Organization) corporateBody
associatedWith Urdaneta, Regina, 1920- person
associatedWith Valenti, Girolamo, 1892-1958. person
associatedWith Vladeck, B. 1886-1935. person
associatedWith Vladeck, B. (Baruch Charney), 1886-1935 person
associatedWith Wagner, Robert F. 1877-1953. person
associatedWith Wallace, Henry A. 1888-1965. person
associatedWith Weinberger, Harry, 1888- person
associatedWith Wertheimer, Valentin. person
associatedWith Whirlpool Corporation corporateBody
associatedWith White, Walter Francis, 1893-1955. person
associatedWith William DuChessi person
associatedWith Williams, John E. person
associatedWith Williams, John E. person
associatedWith Williams, John E. (John Elias), 1853-1919. person
associatedWith Wolf, Benjamin H., b. 1909. person
associatedWith Wolf, Herman. person
associatedWith Wolfson, Theresa, 1897-1972. person
associatedWith Woll, Matthew, 1880-1956. person
associatedWith Women's Trade Union League. corporateBody
associatedWith Women's Trade Union League of America. corporateBody
associatedWith Workmen's Circle/Arbeter Ring. corporateBody
associatedWith W.R. Grace & Co. corporateBody
associatedWith W.R. Grace & Co. corporateBody
Place Name Admin Code Country
Pennsylvania--Philadelphia
Canada
United States
New York (State)--New York
New York (State)
Canada
Pennsylvania
United States
Palestine
Connecticut
United States
Canada
United States
Canada
Canada
Canada
Virginia
United States
Spain
Ohio--Cincinnati
Canada
United States
Ohio--Cincinnati
United States
New York (State)--Rochester
United States
United States
United States
New York (State)--New York
Georgia
Illinois
Illinois--Chicago
New York (State)--Rochester
United States
Texas--El Paso
United States
New York (State)--New York
New York (State)--Rochester
New York (N.Y.)
New York (State)
New York (State)--New York
Tennessee
United States
Subject
Anti-fascist movements
Arbitration, Industrial
Arbitration, Industrial
Boycotts
Charities
Civil rights
Clothing trade
Clothing trade
Clothing trade
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Collective bargaining
Collective bargaining
Collective bargaining
Communism
Ethnic relations
Ethnic relations
Ethnic relations
Industrial mobilization
Industrial mobilization
International labor activities
Jews
Labor and laboring classes
Labor disputes
Labor disputes
Labor movement
Labor policy
Labor policy
Labor union locals
Labor unions
Labor unions
Labor unions
Labor unions
Labor unions
Labor unions
Labor unions and communism
Labor unions and fascism
Men's clothing industry
Men's clothing industry
Men's clothing industry
Men's clothing industry
Men's clothing industry
Men's clothing industry
New Deal, 1933-1939
Strikes and lockouts
Strikes and lockouts
Strikes and lockouts
Strikes and lockouts
Strikes and lockouts
Strikes and lockouts
Strikes and lockouts
Strikes and lockouts
Tailors
Tailors
Tailors
Tailors
Textile industry
Textile industry
Textile industry
Textile workers
Textile workers
Textile workers
Unemployed
Unemployment
World War, 1914-1918
World War, 1914-1918
Women clothing workers
Women clothing workers
Women in labor unions
Women labor union members
Work environment
Work environment
Work environment
Working class
World War, 1939-1945
Occupation
Activity

Corporate Body

Active 1911

Active 1929

English,

Italian

Information

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Ark ID: w6pw7bg2

SNAC ID: 87397898