Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union

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The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Project files, 1976-1998, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

English.

From the description of ACTWU's Cotton Garment Control Department Memorabilia. 1955-1978. (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 626941401

From the description of ACTWU's Murray Finley Records from the President's Office. 1970-1987. (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 520925061

From the description of ACTWU's Textile Division Records. 1945-1985. (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 520925162

From the description of ACTWU's Cotton Garment Control Department Records. 1955-1978. (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 520925428

From the description of ACTWU's Communication/Public Relations Department Records. 1951-1985. (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 519603840

From the description of ACTWU's Vice-President's Office Records. 1960-1979. (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 519604046

From the description of ACTWU. New England Regional Joint Board. Records. (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 772500067

From the description of ACTWU's Conventions Records. 1972-1987. (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 519603990

From the description of ACTWU's International Affairs Department Publications. 1971-1980. (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 613560052

From the description of ACTWU's Out-of-Business Contracts. 1937-2000. (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 520925026

From the description of ACTWU's International Affairs Department Records. 1976-1984. (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 520924751

From the description of ACTWU's Sander Genis Papers. 1916-1980. (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 520925080

From the description of ACTWU's Locals Records. (Cornell University Library). WorldCat record id: 520925369

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Conventions Records, 1972-1987, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Collective Bargaining Agreements, 1917-1996, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACWA's Sidney Hillman Foundation Records, 1955-1974, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Sander Genis Papers, 1916-1980, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Locals Records, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Cotton Garment Control Department Memorabilia, 1955-1974, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Subject Records, 1925-1995, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Cotton Garment Control Department Records, 1955-1978, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Vice-President's Office Records, 1960-1979, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Murray Finley Records from the President's Office, 1970-1987, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU. Presidential Papers (Murray Finley). Correspondence. Microfiche, 1973-1983, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Microfiche Collection of Jacob Sheinkman's Speeches, 1949-1992, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Out-of-Business Contracts, 1937-2000, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Secretary-Treasurer's Office Records, 1928-1997, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Executive Vice-President's Office Records, 1927-1996, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Research Department's Industrial Union Department Company Records, 1956-1989, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the most significant union representing workers in the men's clothing industry, was founded in New York City in 1914 as a breakaway movement from the United Garment Workers. Radical and immigrant workers in the tailors’ and cutters’ locals were the core of the seceding group, which advocated industrial unionism and economic strikes in opposition to the UGW’s craft organization, which they saw as conservative and timid. Their diverging views had come to the fore during the historic 1910 dispute at the Chicago firm Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. The opposition called the strike against the UGW leadership’s advice, and reached a path-breaking agreement with management that established an arbitration system to settle disputes.

Members flocked to the new union. Around 50,000 strong at its founding, by 1920 the ACWA counted about 170,000 members. Initially composed mostly of immigrants of Jewish European descent with Socialist leanings, the ACWA quickly welcomed members of a great number of nationalities and diverse backgrounds. Like in other garment unions, most workers and many members were women, but the leadership was predominantly male, a situation that did not change for many decades. Early on the union adopted a centralized administrative structure combined with industrial unionism, with the joint boards’ by-laws having precedence over those of locals.

Espousing a philosophy perhaps brought over by its early immigrant socialist members, the Amalgamated went beyond bread and butter issues and adopted a distinctive form of social unionism that was largely absent in the American labor movement. Starting in the 1920s, it provided educational opportunities and recreational facilities for its members, as well as services such as an insurance plan, banks offering personal loans at low interest rates, low-cost housing cooperatives, medical clinics, and even union-owned restaurants.

Sidney Hillman was the first president of the new union and the most important officer in its history. He applied his experience as bargaining representative in Chicago to the whole industry. Under his leadership the union made significant strides in securing better wages and working conditions for its members, and at the same time it consolidated gains and provided stability to the industry through the widespread adoption of the arbitration system tested at Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Hillman paid close attention to industry issues, such as production, pricing, and marketing. In order to help management meet the competition of non-union firms, the union conducted studies of efficiency, work methods, and factory costs. Letters to the official publication of the union, Advance, document the controversy that ensued within the union over what was perceived to be collaboration with management.

Hillman also understood the importance of labor’s involvement in national affairs and political action. In the 1920s the ACWA sent delegates to the Conference for Progressive Political Action and to the Farmer-labor party conventions. Although many members and officers were Socialists, the union stopped short of officially endorsing the party. Communist attempts at gaining influence within the union were firmly curbed. Hillman’s participation in national affairs and politics became prominent during the New Deal, when he became a close advisor to Franklin D. Roosevelt on labor and economic issues. He also served on the board of the National Recovery Administration. Later, during World War II, he helped establish the Labor’s Non Partisan League. He was also named associate director of the Office of Production Management, which assisted in mobilizing the nation's resources for the war effort. Hillman’s prestige perhaps reflected the healthy condition of his union, which by the end of the conflict was strong and stable.

During the post World War II period the union faced a number of significant challenges. Membership continued to grow (peaking at 395,000 in 1968), but the union’s political influence and visibility in national affairs declined. In their never ending pursuit of lower production costs, many firms relocated to the South, forcing the union to engage in large organizing efforts. Simultaneously, signs began to appear of changes that would lead to the almost complete demise of the domestic apparel industry and, ultimately, to the erosion of union membership. Foreign imports of cheap clothing goods steadily grew in the 1950s and 1960s, and mushroomed in the following two decades, plunging employment in the apparel sector into a steady decline. Union efforts to stem the tide included Buy American campaigns and extensive lobbying in Congress, but they were to no avail. In 1976, the ACWA merged with the Textile Workers of America to become the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Despite successful and much publicized nationwide actions such as the Farah boycott and the J.P. Stevens corporate campaign, the woes threatening the union’s existence continued unabated. The fate of the domestic industry was sealed in the late 1970s and the 1980s by the flight of firms chasing tax breaks and cheap labor abroad. By 1995, when ACTWU voted to merge with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, their combined membership was 350,000. The new Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE!) seemed poised to infuse new life in a troubled union.

From the guide to the ACTWU's Southern Regional Joint Board Records, 1989-1997, (Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library)

Archival Resources
Role Title Holding Repository
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creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Cotton Garment Control Department Memorabilia. 1955-1978. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Textile Workers Union of America. [Minutes]. American Textile History Museum Library
referencedIn Sol Stetin Photographs., 1940s-1980s; undated Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives
creatorOf ACTWU's Locals Records Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn ACTWU's International Affairs Department Records, 1976-1984 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn ACWA's Rochester Joint Board Records, 1922-1976 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees. Boston Joint Board. UNITE. Boston Joint Board. Audio-Visual Materials. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees. Research Department. Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees (UNITE). Research Department. Files, 1995-2001. Cornell University Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Project Records, 1976-1998. Cornell University Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Collective Bargaining Agreements, 1917-1996. Cornell University Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Cotton Garment Control Department Records. 1955-1978. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees. Office of Corporate and Financial Affairs. Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees (UNITE). Office of Corporate and Financial Affairs. Audiovisual materials, 1987-1996. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union of America. Local 50 (New York, N.Y.). ACWA's Buttonhole Makers Local 50 Tribute to President Kennedy, 1963. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees. Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees (UNITE). Photographs. Cornell University Library
referencedIn United Hatters, Cap, and Millinery Workers International Union. Headwear and Allied Workers Joint Board (New York, N.Y.). Records, 1926-1984. 1940-1960 (bulk). Churchill County Museum
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. [By-laws, agreements, etc.] Wisconsin historical society
referencedIn ACTWU's Textile Division Records, 1945-1985 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn ACTWU's Communications and Public Relations Departments Records, 1951-1985 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Research Dept. Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Research Department. Files. 1960-1977 Cornell University Library
referencedIn Marilyn Anderson and Jonathan Garlock, "The Honor of Labor" Exhibit Materials, 1981-1983. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees. Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees. Pennsylvania files, 1985-2000. Cornell University Library
creatorOf Beck, Bert. Bert Beck, "A History of the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workes Union and its predecessor unions." Unpublished manuscript. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Barkan, Alexander E. Textile Workers Union of America oral history project interviews, 1977-1985. Wisconsin Historical Society, Newspaper Project
referencedIn Labor Theater Records, 1959-1986 Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Locals Records. Cornell University Library
referencedIn ACTWU's Local 169 Records, 1923-2003 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Labor Unity photograph files. Cornell University Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Organizing Department Records. 1960-1995. Cornell University Library
referencedIn McGill, Eula. Eula McGill. Interviews. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. General Exectutive Board. ACTWU's General Executive Board (GEB) Records. 1916-1988. Cornell University Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Murray Finley Records from the President's Office. 1970-1987. Cornell University Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union. Newsclipping file re J.P. Stevens Boycott. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Clothing worker union charter certificates from Oregon and Washington [manuscript], 1888-1969. Oregon Historical Society Research Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's International Affairs Department Records. 1976-1984. Cornell University Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Department of Occupational Safety and Health Records. 1934-2001. Cornell University Library
referencedIn ACTWU's Legal Department Records, 1942-1995 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Sheinkman, Jacob. Jack Sheinkman. Audio- and Video-cassettes, 1985-1997. Cornell University Library
referencedIn ACWA's Buttonhole Makers Local 50 Tribute to President Kennedy, 1963 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees. Amalgamated Social Services. ACTWU's Social Services Department Records, 1960-1995. Cornell University Library
creatorOf ACTWU's Collective Bargaining Agreements, 1917-1996 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Research Department Correspondence Chronological Files, 1978-1995. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Legislative Dept. Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Legislative Dept. Slide programs, 1971-1986. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Noga, Francois. [Papers]. American Textile History Museum Library
creatorOf ACTWU's Sander Genis Papers, 1916-1980 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Textile Workers Union of America. South Region. Textile Workers Union of America. South Region records, 1947-1991 [manuscript]. University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Lantern slides. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Hillman, Bessie. ACWA's Bessie Hillman Papers. 1922-1996. Cornell University Library
referencedIn ACTWU's Rieve-Pollock Foundation Records, 1935-1996 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn AFL-CIO. Executive Council. AFL-CIO. Executive Council. Minutes. 1973-1985. Cornell University Library
referencedIn ACTWU's Education Department Files, 1948-1983 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees. UNITE Posters. Graphics. Cornell University Library
referencedIn ACWA's Local 284 Records, 1947-1959 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union Printed Ephemera Collection, 1910-2000 Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives
referencedIn Hotel Employees & Restaurant Employees International Union. Hotel Employees & Restaurant Employees International Union (HERE). Editor's files, 1973-1991. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Debs, Eugene V. (Eugene Victor), 1855-1926. Eugene V. Debs. Letter to Sidney Rissman, 9/2/1925. Cornell University Library
creatorOf ACTWU's Subject Records, 1925-1995 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Kathy Andrade. ILGWU and UNITE Quilts. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees. Communications Department. Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees (UNITE!) Communications Department. Audiovisual materials, 1993-2003. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees. Local 169. Amalgamated Northeast Regional Joint Board. Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees. Local 169. Amalgamated Northeast Regional Joint Board. Photographs, 1942-2001. Cornell University Library
creatorOf ACTWU's Secretary-Treasurer's Office Records, 1928-1997 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Executive Vice-President's Office Records. 1927-1996. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees. Legislative Department. UNITE. Legislative Department. White House group sweatshop files, 1996-1998. Cornell University Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union, Fall River Local. Minutebooks, 1949-1977. Cornell University Library
creatorOf ACTWU's Microfiche Collection of Jacob Sheinkman's Speeches, 1949-1992 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Photographs, 1910-1975, pt.2. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees. Boston Joint Board. UNITE. Boston Joint Board. Records. Cornell University Library
creatorOf ACWA's Sidney Hillman Foundation Records, 1955-1974 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn UNITE HERE (Organization). UNITE HERE. Legal Department. ACTWU files. 1969-1995. Cornell University Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Operations Department's Records on the Sidney Hillman Awards. 1947-1999. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Union Label Dept. ACWA's Union Label Department Records. 1931-1975. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees. Communications Department. UNITE. Communications Department. Files, 1962-1997. Cornell University Library
creatorOf ACTWU's Project files, 1976-1998 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn ACTWU's Department of Occupational Safety and Health Records, 1934-2001 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn ILGWU. Research Department records, 1945-1995 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Methuen International Mills. [Business records]. American Textile History Museum Library
referencedIn ILGWU. Health and Safety Department records, 1953-1995 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Glove Cities Area Joint Board. Glove Cities Area Joint Board of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America records [multimedia] : 1933-1989. University at Albany, University Libraries
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU. New England Regional Joint Board. Records. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Hispanic Apparel Union Officers Oral History Collection, 1983-1984 Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Education Department Records. 1948-1983. Cornell University Library
creatorOf ACTWU's Southern Regional Joint Board Records, 1989-1997 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Textile Workers Union of America. [Business records]. American Textile History Museum Library
referencedIn ILGWU. Chorus Records and Sheet Music, 1989-2000 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union (ACTWU). Arthur Loevy. Secretary-Treasurer. Files, 1991-1997 Cornell University Library
referencedIn Massachusetts. Division of State Police. Criminal Information Section. [Records]. American Textile History Museum Library
referencedIn Joseph and Feiss Company (Cleveland, Ohio). Joseph and Feiss Company records, series II, ca. 1858-1988. Western Reserve Historical Society, Research Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Vice-President's Office Records. 1960-1979. Cornell University Library
referencedIn International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union. ILGWU. Chorus Records and Sheet Music 1989-2000. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Unification Committee. ACTWU's Unification Committee Records, 1995. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Archives Union File, 1892-2004. New York State Historical Documents Inventory
referencedIn ACTWU's Engineering Department Records, 1947-2000 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. ACTWU's National Textile Recruitment and Training Program Records. 1975-1981. Cornell University Library
referencedIn International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union. Operations Department. ILGWU. Operations Department. Collective Bargaining Agreements, 1988-1995. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Boulos, Ed,. Interviews with Ed Boulos and others, 1972 July. Northeast Archives of Folklore and Oral History, Maine Folklife Center
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Textile Division Records. 1945-1985. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees. Research Dept. Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees. Research Dept. Correspondence Chronological files, 1995-1997. Cornell University Library
referencedIn UNITE HERE (Organization). UNITE HERE. Operations Department. Files. 1987-2004. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Legal Dept. ACTWU's Legal Department Records, 1942-1995. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Dept. ACTWU Photographs. Cornell University Library
creatorOf ACTWU's Cotton Garment Control Department Memorabilia, 1955-1974 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees. Department of Occupational Safety and Health. Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees. Department of Occupational Safety and Health. Shop files, 1987-1996. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Workers United. Workers United. Records. Digital. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Social Services Dept. Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Social Services Department. Files. 1960-2001. Cornell University Library
referencedIn International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union. Health and Safety Dept. ILGWU. Health and Safety Department records, 1953-1995. Cornell University Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Oral history project, 1990. Cornell University Library
referencedIn ACTWU's Project files, 1976-1998 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Hosiery Division. ACTWU's Hosiery Division Records. 1959-1984. Cornell University Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union (ACWA). The Advance (non-English). 1920-1930. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees. Communications Department. UNITE. Communications Department. Photograhs, 1993-1999. Cornell University Library
referencedIn ACTWU's Unification Committee Records, 1995 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn New York State School of Industrial and Labor Relations (NYSSILR). Metropolitan District Office. Levi Strauss files. 1981-1998. Cornell University Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Engineering Department Records, 1947-2000. Cornell University Library
creatorOf ACTWU's Vice-President's Office Records, 1960-1979 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Southern Regional Joint Board Records. 1989-1997. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees. Local 169 (New York, N.Y.). Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees. Local 169. Green & Grocery Campaign files, 1998-2001. Cornell University Library
creatorOf Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. ACTWU's Research Department's Industrial Union Department Company Recordss, 1956-1989. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees. UNITE. Founding Convention Poster, June 29-30, 1995. Cornell University Library
creatorOf ACTWU's Executive Vice-President's Office Records, 1927-1996 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union. ILGWU. Research Department records, 1945-1995. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Guide to the Connie Kopelov Papers, 1942-2009 Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives
referencedIn ACWA's Sidney Hillman Scrapbooks, 1910-1964 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees. Research Department. Union of Needletrades, Industrial, and Textile Employees. Research Department. Photographs, 1954-1977. Cornell University Library
referencedIn ACWA's Union Label Department Records, 1931-1975 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn ACTWU's Organizing Department Records, 1960-1995 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. ACWA's Jacob Potofsky Records from the President's Office. 1941-1977. Cornell University Library
referencedIn Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Local 1716 (Rome, Ga.). Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union records, 1954-1988. Georgia State University
creatorOf ACTWU's Cotton Garment Control Department Records, 1955-1978 Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives
referencedIn Labor Theater (New York, N.Y.). Records, 1975-1984. Churchill County Museum
Role Title Holding Repository
Relation Name
associatedWith Abrams, Georgia person
associatedWith AFL-CIO. corporateBody
associatedWith AFL-CIO. Executive Council. corporateBody
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associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Dept. of Occupational Safety and Health corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Eastern Pennsylvania Joint Board. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers' Union, Education Department corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. El Paso Joint Board. corporateBody
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associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Legislative Dept. corporateBody
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associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Local 4. corporateBody
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associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Social Services Dept. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Southern California Joint Board. corporateBody
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associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Glove Cities Area Joint Board. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Legal Department. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Local 169 (New York, N.Y.) corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Local 284. corporateBody
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associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Operations Department corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Organizing Department. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Public Relations Department. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Public Relations Dept. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Research Department corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Research Dept. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Rochester Joint Board. corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Union Label Department corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union of America. Local 50 (New York, N.Y.) corporateBody
associatedWith Amalgamated Insurance Fund. corporateBody
associatedWith American Income Life Insurance Company. corporateBody
associatedWith American ORT Federation. corporateBody
associatedWith Americans for Democratic Action. corporateBody
associatedWith Art Gundersheim person
associatedWith Art Gundersheim person
associatedWith Barrett Resources Corporation corporateBody
associatedWith Beck, Bert. person
associatedWith Beck, Burt. person
associatedWith Brand-Rex Company corporateBody
associatedWith Brandzel, Sol. person
associatedWith Brandzel, Sol, 1913-2003 person
associatedWith Burt Beck person
associatedWith Charles English person
associatedWith Chicago Union Label and Service Trades Council. corporateBody
associatedWith C. H. Masland & Sons corporateBody
associatedWith Clinton, Bill, 1946- person
associatedWith Cluett, Peabody & Co. corporateBody
associatedWith Coalition of Labor Union Women (U.S.) corporateBody
associatedWith Coalition to Save New York. corporateBody
associatedWith Conference Board. corporateBody
associatedWith Cotton Garment Insurance. corporateBody
associatedWith Cuomo, Mario Matthew. person
associatedWith Debs, Eugene V. (Eugene Victor), 1855-1926. person
associatedWith Deena Foreman Rosenthal person
associatedWith Democratic Left (Organization : Great Britain) corporateBody
associatedWith Devro, Inc. corporateBody
associatedWith Dixie Yarns corporateBody
associatedWith Dobczak, John. person
associatedWith Dropkin, Henry. person
associatedWith DuChessi, William person
associatedWith Eaton Yale & Towne corporateBody
associatedWith Electrolux Group corporateBody
associatedWith Emerson Electric (Firm) corporateBody
associatedWith English, Charles. person
associatedWith Ensign Bickford Company corporateBody
associatedWith Essex International corporateBody
associatedWith Essex International corporateBody
associatedWith Evans, Elizabeth Glendower, 1856-1937. person
associatedWith Federation of Union Representatives. corporateBody
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associatedWith Finley, Murray. person
associatedWith Finley, Murray, 1922-1995 person
associatedWith Finley, Murray H. person
associatedWith Firestone, Bernard. person
associatedWith Flintkote Company corporateBody
associatedWith Fox, Geoffrey E. person
associatedWith Frank Rosenblum person
associatedWith GAF Corporation corporateBody
associatedWith General Battery Corporation corporateBody
associatedWith Genis, Sander. person
associatedWith Genis, Sander, 1985-1991 person
associatedWith Globe-Union Incorporated corporateBody
associatedWith Gorbachev, Mikhail Sergeevich, 1931- person
associatedWith Gore, Albert, 1948- person
associatedWith Greater Hartford Labor Council. corporateBody
associatedWith Gundersheim, Arthur. person
associatedWith Gundershiem, Art. person
associatedWith Harold Mayer Productions. corporateBody
associatedWith Harvey Hubbell, Inc. corporateBody
associatedWith Healthtex corporateBody
associatedWith Healthtex. corporateBody
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associatedWith Hillman, Bessie. person
associatedWith Hillman, Sidney, 1887-1946 person
associatedWith Hirsch, Samuel, 1923- person
associatedWith Hirsch, Samuel, 1923-2009 person
associatedWith Hispanic Labor Committee. corporateBody
associatedWith H.K. Porter Company corporateBody
associatedWith Hooker Chemical Corporation corporateBody
associatedWith Hotel Employees & Restaurant Employees International Union. corporateBody
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associatedWith Hoyman, Scott. person
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associatedWith Internatinal Ladies' Garment Workers' Union corporateBody
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associatedWith International Labour Organization. corporateBody
associatedWith International Ladies' Garment Workers corporateBody
associatedWith International Ladies' Garment Workers Union. corporateBody
associatedWith International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union. Health and Safety Department. corporateBody
associatedWith International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union. Health and Safety Dept. corporateBody
associatedWith International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union. Operations Department. corporateBody
associatedWith International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union. Operations Department. corporateBody
associatedWith International Textile, Garment and Leather Workers' Federation. corporateBody
associatedWith Jacob Potofsky person
associatedWith Jacob Potofsky person
associatedWith Jacob Sheinkman person
associatedWith Jacob Sheinkman person
associatedWith Jaymar-Ruby corporateBody
associatedWith Jaymar-Ruby. corporateBody
associatedWith Jensen, Vernon. person
associatedWith Johns-Manville Corporation corporateBody
associatedWith Johnson & Johnson corporateBody
associatedWith Johnson & Johnson corporateBody
associatedWith Johnson & Johnson corporateBody
associatedWith Johnson & Johnson corporateBody
associatedWith Joint Job Training, Inc. corporateBody
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associatedWith Joseph Schlossberg person
associatedWith J.P. Stevens & Co. corporateBody
associatedWith J.P. Stevens & Co. corporateBody
associatedWith J.P. Stevens & Co. corporateBody
associatedWith J.P. Stevens & Co. corporateBody
associatedWith Judea Mental Health Center. corporateBody
associatedWith Kadish, Jack. person
associatedWith Kaminsky, Joseph. person
associatedWith Kamm, Reuben. person
associatedWith Kantrowitz, Isidore. person
associatedWith Karmen, Murray. person
associatedWith Karson, Marc. person
associatedWith Katz, Edward. person
associatedWith Kelly, James E., d.1946. person
associatedWith Kendall Company corporateBody
associatedWith Kendall Company corporateBody
associatedWith Kendall Company corporateBody
associatedWith Kennedy, John F. 1917-1963. person
associatedWith Kennedy, Robert F., 1925-1968. person
associatedWith Kidde, Inc. corporateBody
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associatedWith Kirkland, Lane. person
associatedWith Kirsch, Frank. person
associatedWith Klass, Hyman. person
associatedWith Klima, Jack. person
associatedWith Koch, Frank. person
associatedWith Koenig, Arthur. person
associatedWith Kolkey, Sam. person
associatedWith Kopelov, Connie person
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associatedWith Kuhlman, Griselda. person
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associatedWith Lalli, Victor. person
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associatedWith Lamb, Carl. person
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associatedWith LaScala, Frank. person
associatedWith LaScala, Sam. person
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associatedWith Levin, Lawrence. person
associatedWith Levin, Samuel. person
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associatedWith Markovitz, Harry. person
associatedWith Marsella, Tom. person
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associatedWith McGill, Eula. person
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associatedWith Murray Corporation of America corporateBody
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associatedWith Myers, Evelyn. person
associatedWith Napolitano, Frank. person
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associatedWith National Gypsum Company corporateBody
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associatedWith Schultz, Louis. person
associatedWith Schwartz, Ernest. person
associatedWith Scott Hoyman person
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associatedWith Seitchik, Joseph. person
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associatedWith Smith, Samuel. person
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Place Name Admin Code Country
New York (State)
New York (State)
New York (State)
New York (State)--New York
New York (State)
New York (State)--New York
United States
United States
New York (State)--New York
New York (State)
New York (State)
New York (State)--New York
New York (State)--New York
New York (State)
New York (State)--New York
New York (State)
New York (State)
United States
New York (State)--New York
United States
New York (State)
United States
New York (State)--New York
New York (State)
New York (State)--New York
New York (State)
New York (State)--New York
United States
New York (State)--New York
New York (State)--New York
New York (State)--New York
New York (State)--New York
New York (State)
New York (State)--New York
New York (State)
New York (State)--New York
New York (State)
Subject
Clothing industry
Clothing industry
Clothing industry
Clothing trade
Clothing trade
Clothing trade
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Clothing workers
Collective bargaining
Collective bargaining
Collective labor agreements
Industrial safety
Labor leaders
Labor movement
Labor movement
Labor unions
Labor unions
Labor unions
Laundry workers
Plant shutdowns
Textile industry
Textile industry
Textile industry
Textile industry
Textile workers
Textile workers
Textile workers
Textile workers
Textile workers
Textile workers
Occupation
Activity

Corporate Body

Active 1955

Active 1978

Information

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