United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America

District 7 of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) consisted of locals throughout Ohio and are now part of the UE's Eastern Region.

District 5 of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) consisted of locals throughout Canada.

District 2 of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) consisted of locals in New England and are now part of the UE's Northeast Region.

District 12 of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) was comprised of locals in the southeastern United States, including those in South Carolina, North Carolina, Florida, and Alabama. These locals that are still in existence are now part of the UE's Eastern Region.

The United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) formed as an independent union in 1936 and then was incorporated as the first major addition to the Congress of Industrial Organizations in 1938. The People's Press served as the union's primary publication from 1936 to 1938. The People's Press printed several editions for various organizations around the country with the UER & MW edition standing for United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers. In 1939, just three years after its formation, the UE created the UE News to replace the People's Press as the union's primary publication. The UE News focused on labor history and informing subscribers of current events affecting the working class. Throughout its history the paper covered pertinent topics such as McCarthyism, war, strikes, and other issues pertaining to the labor movement, often reflecting the union's rank and file mentality in that the members make all decisions regarding the UE. In addition to a variety of articles, the paper included editorial and political cartoons by staff cartoonist Fred Wright, who worked for the UE from 1949 until his death in 1984. He has since been succeeded by Gary Huck, who maintains the union's tradition of utilizing humor to illustrate various issues. The UE News serves as an outreach tool used by the union to communicate not only with its members, but with anyone seeking information regarding the union's activities. Tom Wright was named the first managing editor of the UE News in 1939 and was responsible for establishing the newspaper not only within the union, but the entire labor community. In 1967, Wright retired from the UE News and James Lerner, a reporter and photographer for the paper, became the new managing editor. Under Lerner, the UE News created a close affiliation with the workers in factories, foundries, and offices organized by the UE. Lerner was succeeded by Peter Gilmore as editor of the UE News sometime in the late 1970s. In addition to continuing Lerner's communication with other international labor organizations, Gilmore focused the paper on labor issues in the Soviet Union and Scotland. Alan Hart succeeded Peter Gilmore in 2006 as managing editor of the newspaper. The UE News is still in circulation today, signifying the strength and unity of the union while informing members of issues involving the working class. Issues of the newspaper are printed eight times a year and can now be found online. A selection of UE News photographs can also be found online.

District 1 of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) included locals in eastern Pennsylvania, southern New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland and Virginia. These locals are now part of the UE's Eastern Region.

In 1939, the UE News replaced the People's Press as the official newspaper of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America. The UE News is comprised of articles regarding the union, photographs of prominent UE officers and labor activities, and political cartoons. Today, the UE publishes this newspaper eight times a year.

The United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) Education Department is designed to educate members and workers about the union and labor issues. In addition to producing several publications throughout the year, the Education Department is responsible for the creation of informational films. In the past, the department produced radio programs that provided commentary on world events and labor issues. These programs were successful but, like many of the union's efforts during the 1950s, fell victim to budget cuts as the UE battled the CIO's International Union of Electrical Workers (IUE) for members. Film was also acquired by the Research Department of the UE. Informational film produced by other unions and organizations about union committees and labor issues were kept for educational and research purposes. Footage of UE National Conventions and local events were also maintained by the union for future reference.

District 6 of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) consisted of locals throughout western Pennsylvania and West Virginia and are now part of the UE's Eastern Region.

District 8 of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) originally included locals in southern Ohio, but after the United Farm Equipment and Metal Workers joined the UE in 1949, the district grew both in the number of locals and in geographic coverage to incorporate much of the Midwest. These locals are now part of the UE's Western Region.

District 4 of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) consisted of locals throughout the majority of New Jersey and southeastern New York state, including New York City, and are now part of the UE's Eastern Region.

District 9 of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) consisted of locals in Indiana and Michigan. These locals are now part of the UE's Western Region.

District 10 of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) included locals in Arizona, California, Utah and Washington, which are now part of the UE's Western Region.

United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) formed in 1936 and is still active today as one of America's largest independent labor unions.

The position of International Representative was assigned through an appointment by the General Executive Board of the UE. International Representatives were responsible for directing the organizational work of one of up to fourteen UE geographical districts, and for performing these activities in conjunction with the District Council and Vice President of that particular region. Neil Brandt, Ed Bloch, Arthur Garfield, Charles Rivers and Jim Brown all worked in varying districts in this capacity.

The United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE), formed in 1936, was one of the first labor unions to affiliate with the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in 1938. The union, taking advantage of disgruntled war-time workers who were tired of working long hours for low wages, greatly increased its membership throughout the 1940s by providing support in contract negotiations with companies. Sometimes these negotiations led to strikes at major companies such as Westinghouse and General Electric. Another reason the union became so popular in the 1940s was that it stood up for its members. From its very beginnings, the union encouraged equal rights for all workers. UE created committees to ensure that its African-American and women members were receiving equal hours and pay when compared to their white male counterparts. In addition, the union also allowed all of its members to get involved in decision making. Part of the union's appeal to workers was that it was democratic. The members met at annual national conventions to vote on by-law changes, policies, and programs affecting the entire union. In 1947, the Taft-Hartley Act was drafted which, among other things, required union leaders to swear that they were not Communists. The UE leadership refused to sign these affidavits because they declared them unconstitutional, thus furthering the union's reputation as a Communist organization. In 1949, the CIO decided to cut ties with all unions that did not comply with Taft-Hartley and, in return, the UE boycotted the actions of the CIO by refusing to pay dues. The UE, as a newly independent union, came to the aid of another banished union, the United Farm Equipment Workers, in 1949 and incorporated many of their locals into the UE. In response to the UE's departure, the CIO created the International Union of Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers (IUE) headed by former UE president James Carey. The UE and IUE spent much of the 1950s battling over members in the form of National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) elections, as well as personal attacks on leaders of both unions. Also during the 1950s, the UE was attacked by the federal government during the House Un-American Activities Committee and Subversive Activities Control Board hearings. Several UE members, including Director of Organizing James Matles and Secretary-Treasurer Julius Emspak, were forced to testify during these meetings. Many members pled their Fifth Amendment right to not name themselves as members of the Communist Party during these hearings, often resulting in contempt charges. Matles was even threatened with deportation. Meanwhile, as UE leaders were distracted by Congress, other unions were replacing UE locals at shops nationwide. This "raiding" not only included the IUE, but also the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers and the United Auto Workers. During the 1960s, the UE and IUE, after the departure of Carey, began to work together to gain national contracts for its workers at large companies like General Electric. The UE supported labor solidarity which it furthered in 1992 when it entered an alliance with Mexico's Authentic Labor Front (FAT) in which they began to collaborate in educational and organizing projects. In recent years the UE has included municipal workers in its ranks and the union is still very active within the international labor community.

District 11 of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) was initially comprised of locals in the Chicago area. As the union grew and incorporated locals of the United Farm Equipment and Metal Workers in 1949, the district included locals in Illinois, Wisconsin, South Dakota and Minnesota. Those locals that are still in existence are now part of the UE's Western Region.

In 1932, the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) was first proposed as a group within the American Federation of Labor (AFL). While the AFL almost exclusively focused on craft unionism, the CIO would be devoted to the organization of industrial workers. The AFL opposed the formation of the CIO from the beginning, forcing the CIO to break from the AFL and become a rival labor federation in 1938. The United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (UE) was the first major industrial union to charter with the CIO. When the Taft-Hartley Act was drafted in 1947, requiring union leaders to swear that they were not Communists, UE officers and CIO leaders were initially united in their noncompliance. Then one CIO union, the United Auto Workers, agreed to sign the affidavits and other CIO unions followed suit. In 1949 the CIO further complied with Taft-Hartley by cutting ties with any union suspected of Communist activities, including the UE. In response, the UE boycotted the CIO's national convention in 1949 and stopped paying member dues. The CIO retaliated by expelling the UE and creating a rival union, the International Union of Electrical Workers (IUE), headed by ex-UE President James Carey. By 1952, the CIO was weakened and its leaders considered re-uniting with the AFL, which had since included industrial unions into their membership. In 1955 the two officially merged to become the AFL-CIO. Although the much smaller and weaker CIO essentially disappeared in the merger, many of its chartered unions thrived under the new arrangement. Today, the AFL-CIO is the largest federation of unions in the United States, consisting of 56 unions representing more than 10 million workers. Its primary purpose is to lobby on behalf of organized labor and settle disputes between its member unions and their employers.

District 3 of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE) consisted of locals in the majority of New York state, excluding New York City, and are now part of the UE's Eastern Region.

Organizational History

Early History

The United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (UE) was formed in 1936 from separate organized segments in the electrical industry--1) local unions with "federal charters" in the American Federation of Labor (AFL), 2) independent unions and 3) machinists whose locals held charters with the Machinists union of the AFL-all aligned under the UE. The AFL, made up of craft unions, was reticent to organize across industry and refused to give the UE a charter. Shortly after, at the opening convention of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), formed to organize along industry lines, the UE received a CIO charter, although it had already been operating as an industrial union. The UE grew steadily to a union of more than 600,000 men and women within a decade. The UE's industry-wide union effected change on a scale that the AFL craft unions and independent unions could not. For example, whereas in the fifteen years before the UE was formed, from 1920-1935, wages had only been increased an average of five cents an hour; in the 15 years after the UE was formed, wages increased by an average of 95 cents an hour.

1946 Watershed Year

Though in 1938, a little less than 50% of the General Electric (GE) plants were organized, by 1940 GE was almost completely organized under the UE, with large numbers of members at Westinghouse and General Motors (GM) Electrical Division plants. By 1941, the UE had secured a renewal of the first national agreement ever signed by a giant of industry-GE - and also signed national agreements with Westinghouse and GM Electrical Division--without a strike. Rapidly the UE became the third largest industrial union within the CIO, after the United Auto Workers (UAW) and the United Steel Workers of America. The war years and calls for strike freezes led to huge losses in wages for workers. Wage increases were held at 15% although cost of living increased by 45% during that time. Furthermore, corporate profits were quadrupling.

After the war ended, the UE joined with the two largest industrial unions in the CIO to launch a unified effort for economic justice across three major industries. All three unions demanded a two dollar a day raise (about a 25% increase) for workers to make up for the loss of earning power and wage depreciation. GE offered the UE a 10% increase, or ten cents an hour and told them to "take it or leave it". Almost immediately the UE rank and file voted to strike. In January workers at GE, Westinghouse and GM Electrical Division plants across the country went on strike. Two hundred thousand UE workers joined the picket lines with support from many more Americans living in industry towns. A week after the UE workers went on strike, 800,000 steel workers shut down the steel industry. By May 1946 the CIO unions had secured major settlements across the board, winning between 18 cent and 19 cent raises per hour for electrical, steel and auto workers. It was a watershed year for labor. The 1946 strikes involved nearly five million American workers who gained a sense of potency and solidarity that they could go up against powerful corporate entities and win.

The "Dirty Decade"

The Cold War provided a climate conducive for industry to mobilize against labor's increasing militancy and strength. The experience of the UE during this time represents a most extreme example of the targeting of labor by powerful political and industry interests. Using anti-communist rhetoric as a back drop, the National Association of Manufacturers lobbied for and won passage of the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947 which, among other things, 1) allowed court injunctions against labor unions, 2) required that all union officials sign affidavits swearing no affiliation with the Communist Party and 3) allowed management (and not just workers) to call for a union election in their shop.

At first the CIO took the position that they would all stand together in refusing to sign the affidavits, but within a few years all but the UE had signed. Not signing enabled the Taft-Hartley Board to bar the UE from appearing on the ballot for union elections in a plant. The solidarity among the CIO industrial unions proved tenuous even as early as during the strike wave of 1946. Although Walter Reuther of the UAW publicly stated satisfaction with the 18 1/2 cent wage increase won during the strike waves, he privately felt that settlements by the UE with the GM Electrical Division prevented him from winning the full 19 1/2 cents recommended by the presidential panel for auto workers at GM plants. Reuther was the first to sign the affidavit and shortly thereafter the UAW began raiding UE shops. What followed was what many members of the UE referred to as the "dirty decade". The UAW raids were facilitated by the Taft-Hartley Board, who would refuse to allow the UE to appear on the ballot after the UAW called for an election in a UE shop. Finally, the UE signed the non-communist affiliation affidavits to save their membership but raids continued by the UAW who had been joined in this practice by the Steel Workers, select AFL unions and others.

Just before the 1949 CIO convention, the UE petitioned the CIO for protection from the raids asking that CIO members who supported them be fired and that unions who participated be sanctioned. When neither occurred, the UE stopped paying dues and refused to send delegates to the convention. The stand-off resulted in the UE's expulsion from the CIO and the establishment of the International Union of Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers (IUE-CIO), an alternate electrical union with jurisdiction over all UE shops. The remarkable struggle of the UE for its very survival began in full force. They faced formidable opponents. Having been singled out early on by the House Un-American Activities Committee, the UE faced a powerful political and business alliance without the support of the CIO, which had splintered under Cold War pressure. Armed with the new provisions of Taft-Hartley, GE and Westinghouse called for union elections in every UE shop. As UE officials prepared for these forced elections, UE members and officials were simultaneously being called in front of HUAC, the Subversive Activities Control Board and other congressional investigating committees on charges of "Red ties". These were tough years for the UE and resulted in many gains for GE and Westinghouse as the industrial labor movement splintered.

1966 and Beyond

"Guys, we want to talk about how best we can pull ourselves together to handle the bastards this time around."

--UE officials in presentation to IUE and AFL-CIO reps

By 1966, the UE was working hard to reverse twenty years of setbacks brought on by GE's new labor relations strategy, a package of "take it or leave it" techniques known by the term Boulwarism after Lemuel R. Boulware, the vice president of GE's "Labor Relations Services" during the 1950s and early 1960s. The strategy consisted of holding months of stalling meetings with the union negotiating committees where corporate negotiators merely listened to the union arguments, followed by a company "take it or leave it" offer--largely undercutting workers demands. Boulware, who climbed the corporate ladder through marketing positions, put his advertising skills to work. GE would engage a full media blitz about the offer to workers and the community surrounding the plants. Due to fragmented organization of the workers in the electrical industry into UE and IUE shops, as well as into many other smaller unions, most often the union negotiating committees had no choice but to "take it". The gains electrical workers had made in the 1940s were rapidly slipping away.

Despite the contentious history between the UE and the IUE-AFL/CIO, the UE continued attempts to join forces with the IUE during negotiations with GE for national contracts. In 1966, the UE held a strike vote in the weeks leading up to the contract negotiations with General Electric. The IUE also indicated its willingness to strike. For the first time in 20 years, GE was faced with a possible walk out. Under pressure from President Johnson, the IUE agreed to postpone a strike. By 1968, the UE amplified its rallying call for all the big unions representing electrical workers (the IUE, the UAW and the UE) to unite in negotiating with GE and Westinghouse. This time, the UAW and the IUE responded to the call.

In the six months leading up to the 1969 negotiations, the UE and IUE negotiating committees met repeatedly to iron out a coordinated agenda centered around two big issues (1) protection for workers against layoffs due to automation and plant closings and (2) equal pay for equal work. GE proceeded with Boulwarism as usual, hearing out the union arguments and showing little indication of their own position. On the morning the company prepared to present their "take it or leave it offer"--an offer which barely acknowledged the union demands and actually attempted to do away with national contracts in favor of individually negotiated local ones and to repeal the workers right to organize work stoppages-the UE and IUE solidarity gave them the power to "leave it."

The great strike of 1969, which shut down GE plants across the country for 101 days received an outpouring of support. Students joined the picket lines, professors raised money for the strikers, other unions donated money, Thanksgiving turkeys and Christmas gifts, mayors from 85 cities held a caucus on the issues, IUE and UE workers joined each others' lines and morale remained high. The strike ended with a successful defeat of GE's proposal to eradicate national contracts and outlaw work stoppages. Further, while not receiving all their demands, the UE and the IUE won wage increases with cost of living adjustments as well as better vacation and pension benefits. The larger victory, though, was in the defeat of Boulwarism-a strategy whose success relied on a fractured labor presence in the industry.

The UE Today

Despite the targeted attacks against the UE throughout its history, the UE has never ceased diligently agitating for social and economic justice. The UE's reputation as a rank-and-file union remains intact. In stark contrast to the so-called "business unionism" that arose in the 1950s and continues today, the democratic principles upon which the UE was founded are still regularly exercised with integrity. As was true in their early years, the entire rank-and-file still votes on whether or not to strike, on who will represent them on the negotiating committee, on which issues are on the table and finally, on whether or not to accept the brokered agreement. The UE has a proud history of fighting for the rights of marginalized groups in the workplace, dedicating union funds to publishing educational materials on the contributions of Blacks in American society and fighting against skewed classifications of skilled jobs in positions predominantly held by women from the1940s. In the 1990s, the UE became active in organizing immigrant workers in California and played a lead role in forming a new Labor Party in the United States.

History

Between 1931 and 1936 UE formed independently of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and other established craft unions. The primary figures in UE's leadership were General-President Albert J. Fitzgerald, Secretary-General Julis Emspak and the Director of Organization James J. Matles. UE functioned under the new formed Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). UE was the first union chartered in a mass production industry outside the AFL. In 1937 UE changed it's name from United Electrical and Radio Workers of America to United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America. By an act of the UE International convention, Local 1412 was chartered on June 3, 1938 to "organize the unorganized" 1 in the Bay Area. Local 1412 adopted its Constitution and By-laws on October 28, 1949. Headquartered in Oakland, California, Local 1412 "collectively persued an aggressive struggle" 2 to protect its members and shops from the organized forces of the employers.

By 1943 UE had become the third largest of all CIO unions ranking behind the auto and steel worker unions. In 1946 these three unions collectively fought for a $2.00 a day increase in wages based on the fact that from 1940 to 1945 the cost of living increased 45% and the wages only rose 15% while corporations posted a net profit of 117 billion dollars for this period. UE waged a national strike against General Electric and Westinghouse. Eventually the strike was settled with UE obtaining an 18% increase in wages for all its members, men and women.

The major industrial corporations were threatened by what they perceived to be the militant unity of the CIO. These corporations collectively pressured the Federal Government to act. The Taft-Hartley bill was legislation aimed at halting union organization of unskilled workers in mass production industries. Passed in 1947, its purpose was to fragment the industrial union movement. It attempted to weaken the active shop steward system through encouraging workers to bypass the shop steward and take up their own individual grievances with management. It also encouraged the breakaway of craftsmen and professional workers from industrial unions. Most importantly the bill made union members sign "noncommunist affidavits." If a union refused to sign an affidavit it could not use the facilities of the National Labor Relations' Board (NLRB) or cast ballots in labor board elections, and its individuals would be expelled from the union.

Most of the unions in the CIO decided to comply with the Taft-Hartley bill. However, UE, the West Coast Longshoremen and a hand full of other unions refused to sign the noncommunist affidavits. This led to UE's subsequent break with the CIO in 1948. UE's refusal to expell any member for a political belief led to a barrage of attacks from the CIO, General Electric, Westinghouse and the Federal Government. Their assaults took the form of slanderous redbaiting campaigns in local shop elections, the refusal from General Electric and Westinghouse to recognize UE as a union, and an endless series of Congressional-sponsored investigations. During the 1950s and early 1960s UE was investigated by a host of Senate committees on "un-American activities," starting with the McCarthy committee, then progressing through the Eastland, Butler and Kerstein committees and ending with an investigation by the Subversive Activities Control Board. Throughout this period UE suffered great losses in credibility and membership. In 1955 UE had 140,000 members and this number had increased steadily until 1986 when UE boasted over 160,000 members.

In 1969 UE and the International Union of Electrical and Radio Workers, AFL-CIO combined forces in a national strike and negotiation effort against General Electric and Westinghouse. They effectively fought for improved working conditions and protected workers against layoffs due to automation or plant closings. They countered GE's post-war practice of shifting plants overseas or to low-wage areas of this country. Also UE ended General Electric's tradition of avoiding the equal-pay-for-equal-work standard by classifying certain jobs, mostly performed by women, at rates which might be lower than unskilled rates for cleanup or sweeper jobs.

1 UE Local 1412 CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS. October 28, 1949. Preamble, p.2.

2 UE Local 1412 CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS. October 28, 1949. Object and Jurisdiction, p.3.